Biko: Lessons from the other side

A black body sjamboked, tossed around, chained to a window frame and  spat upon while apartheid police officers enjoyed brandy. A defenseless yet defiant body was driven naked at the back of a police van 1000 km from Port Elizabeth to Pretoria. The subject of this black body shaming was Stephen "Steve" Bantu Biko, the father of Black Consciousness Movement of Azania.

Though this organic black intellectual died 39 years ago, his name still finds fond resonance with many a black folk. There's a plethora of valuable lessons still to be learnt from Steve Biko even beyond the grave. In Biko's loving memory,

I have opted not to eulogise him, but retrospectively contextualise his philosophy and shed light  on his student activism vis-a-vis current black man's imbroglios and #FeesMustFall wave that has seen South Africa go up in smoke. I will attempt to imagine how Biko would have engaged a black nation pertaining to economic marginalisation and academic exclusion.

Biko's greatest forte was organising students across the country. He's accredited for grooming proteges like Onkgopotse Tiro, Tsietsi Mashinini and Khotso Seatlholo. He realised from as early as the 60's that unlocking a young black mind from intellectual captivity was a potent catalyst for liberation of oppressed black nation. Though restricted to King Williams town, the former medical student was able to plant a "revolutionary seed"  that blossomed in 1976 student uprising.

Biko would have applauded #RhodesMustFall movement for taking the bull by its horns in refusal to kowtow to white-settler supremacy. Juxtaposed to current #FeesMustFall, he would advise students to apply presence of mind in identifying their common enemy and, not target centres meant for their cognitive development.

As a prolific author of his times, Biko would condemn setting study material on fire and wanton vandalism as recently witnessed at his alma mater, UZN. He would encourage students to develop their own study-funding models while intensifying their struggle for free-education.

If Biko was alive, he would denounce conspicuous absence of ANCYL president Collen Maine during #FeesMustFall protests. He would caution Maine to be hands-on in relation to struggles of young people, close leadership lacuna within youth ranks and maintain constant dialogue with young people via modern online publications and social media.His advice would be for Maine to prioritise youth and student struggles and refrain from being a micro-managed lackey for powerful individuals who harbour corrupt tendencies.

The acclaimed author of "I write what I like" would be exasperated with class fragmentation of a black nation. He would frown at proliferation of black bourgeoisie who have accrued luxuries through BEE and the ballot of the black poor. Biko would aptly call this bunch "White souls in black skin."

He would expect us to be vigilant against capitalist onslaught on our identity as a black nation like he famously said "The greatest weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. So as a prelude, whites must be made to realise that they are only human - not superior. Same with blacks, they must be made to realise that they are also human - not inferior." He would lash out at those black leaders who drive around in tinted state-sponsored vehicles hiding away fro the very people who voted them into power.

The ardent follower of Frantz Fanon would have conferred accolades to young Zulaikha Patel for keeping her Afro at Eurocentric Pretoria High School for Girls. He would have spurred her not to apply European standards to measure her black beauty nor trade her blackness for anything European. If he was still in our midst, Biko would scold Kwaito star Mshoza for bleaching her black skin white. He would remind Mshoza "Black is beautiful."

His peers described him as "The authentic voice of the people, not afraid to say openly what othe blacks think but, are frightened to say." I define him as a metaphorical expression of black resistance against apartheid - an unrelenting black intellectual whose time had come. He would expect us to re-calibrate the consciousness of our blackness while being appreciative of other races that co-exist with us.

Absence of nascent black economy coupled with exploitative anti-black labour regulations, would be an affront to his emancipatory philosophy. He wouldn't want black consciousness to be restricted to academic corridors  only but, permeate to slums, informal settlements and rural areas where raw black poverty is the order of the day. He would question why the country still bears the name South Africa which came about as a result of 1909 British Act of Parliament. He would caution, Black man you are on your own.

SA trapped in quagmire of Zumacracy

Corridors of Turfloop University reverberated with ululation when it was announced that Jacob Zuma had won the race to become ANC president in December 2007. The sound of liberation songs ricocheted from one wall to the other. There he was in a brown leather jacket with a giggle that would later haunt South Africa. The same giggle that has made mockery of constitutional democracy.

I don't have luxury of time to chronicle all of President Jacob Zuma's misdemeanours as South Africa's Head of State. Let me however highlight a few that replaced our hard-earned constitutional democracy with Nkandla made concoction of Zumacracy.

First he stood in Parliament looking condescendingly at DA MP Lindiwe Mazibuko telling her he had obtained a loan from Wesbank to upgrade his homestead at Nkandla. Well, it later turned out that the man affectionately known as Msholozi had lied.

Lying to parliament alone, should have had Zuma removed as Head of State. Then he facilitated the landing of a private jet carrying 200 passengers at SA Airforce Waterkloof base. The jet was from India and belonged to his affluent family friend Atul Gupta. Needless to say the jet landed at national key-point area without guests being vetted.

Chief of state protocol Bruce Kholoane was made the fall-guy and was "punished" by Zuma with a high profile ambassadorial post in Amsterdam. Once again Zuma survived the chop, The rot continued full-blast while Zumacracy was eroding democracy enforcement institutions.

Then Zuma defied Public Protector's findings against him in relation to Nkandla upgrades. He unleashed a litany of cover-ups using every state apparatus at his disposal to eschew accountability. National Assembly Speaker and Ministers Nathi Nhleko and Naledi Pandor featured prominently in his arsenal.

Constitutional court affirmed Thuli Madonsela's report that Zuma and his family were "Secure in comfort" at the expense of poor South Africans. I was under illusion that constitutional democracy had finally won when Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng said "The president thus failed to uphold, defend and respect the constitution." He said the president broke his oath of office.

Like any other object, I thought Zuma had succumbed to dictates of gravity. I was proven wrong. ANC MPs thwarted impeachment efforts against Zuma. Constitutional democracy was dealt a low blow and democratic accountability became a foreign jargon. Zumacracy permeated through the hearts of 233 men and women of "impeccable character."

Learned Professors and PhD graduates like Naledi Pandor, Angie Motshekga and Makhosi Khoza sold their souls to shield a giggling Grade: 4 drop-out. They wouldn't wipe the giggle off Zuma's face. As if Zuma and his acolytes had not brought South Africa enough damage - he had the gumption to interdict the release of Public Protector's report on State Capture. This is the report that contained graphic evidence of how Zuma was "siphoning public purse" through Gupta family.

Once again, Zuma survived this damning report and continued to giggle in Parliament when asked questions of national importance. This made me come to a conclusion that ANC's moral-currency had depreciated to an all time low.

The less I say about him costing South African economy R500bn by firing Finance Minister Nhlanhla Nene and replacing him with a man who couldn't run a minuscule municipality in Merafong the better. Zuma will go down history books as a suspect who faced 783 charges but, still managed to share a table with leading world presidents at G20 summits.

I woke up to a poignant reality that Zuma is beyond redemption - he is a product with defects that we can't send back to store for refund. Zuma is a costly liability that the poor masses can't afford to maintain. The only logical reason why Zuma has survived seven motions of " No Confidence" is that
Zumacracy is a deadly virus for which there is no antidote. Zuma is a run-away train without brakes and will crash into every democracy enforcement institution. Zuma's political mortality is an idea whose time has come.

"Enough is enough" no longer enough

An often curvaceous work of nature, titivated with boobs that resonate with her splendid morphology, sweet voiced with caring qualities of unimaginable proportions.

 She is my mother, our sister, their daughter and his wife. She's a woman. She's a conservationist who keeps human extinction at bay without fail. Her precious body is endowed with special organs to ensure sterile delivery of life. She's an anointed carrier of human life to earth.

 I hold a woman's body in high esteem - it gave birth to me and introduced me to mother earth. I don't objectify a woman's body as an instrument for psychopathic experimentation. I subscribe neither to chauvinism nor patriarchy. I speak against misogyny.

 I've always resisted temptation to call myself a feminist. In essence, a feminist is one who advocates for egalitarian status and recognition of female creatures, human or otherwise. I'm a womanist and advocate for physical protection, equality, respect and love for women - not because they're the weaker sex but, by virtue of being human. Excuse my language but, how the hell did we elevate rape to a status of "culture"? Whose culture is it anyway?

As a practising Christian, the Bible tells me that when God created a man, he consulted with the Holy Trinity. God created a woman in the silence of the earth without seeking second or third opinion from any mortal being. A woman's body demanded meticulous and uninterrupted handling. The book of Genesis doesn't caricature a woman as an embodiment of sin. I mean...why would God assign the ultimate sinner to be the bearer of his own image?

The reason for my emotional harangue is the spate of sexual attacks on women in general, and students from University of Cape Town and Rhodes University in particular. Women like Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph and Rahima Moosa fought side by side with men to bring about freedom in South Africa. Women didn't join the struggle just because they were irked by the idea of carrying passes.

They fought for freedom to bask in the beauty of their womanhood. Women were fighting for freedom to be in conversation with their cosmetic-beings without men lurking behind to attack them. Young women have been raped and sexually assaulted on campuses by would-be academics at UCT and Rhodes.

To most South African women, freedom of movement is only academic. Their dress-code and movement is at the mercy of testosterone-driven barbarians. Whether covered or not, a woman's body is not an open buffet for any Jimmy to feast on. A woman's body is not like a car taken for a test drive before final purchase. It is not a close-corporation entity or a communal property where every Dick, Tom and Harry holds a proxy.

A drunk woman is not some "To whom it may concern" kind of letter. Women beings are the children of the universe, they have the right to be here; and whether or not it is clear to the rapists - no doubt their womanhood is unfolding as it should.

When I saw Rhodes students protesting bare-breasted against sexual violence on campus, then I knew fury had surpassed all conventional reasoning capacity. Reasoning with university management was no longer an option. It signalled the boiling degree of women's exasperation. Reality finally hit home that waving placards written "enough is enough" is no longer enough. A woman being's emphatic "NO" is not open for further deliberations.

Rhodes university's response to women's cry has been lackadaisical and gave room for sexual perverts to continue with their salacious fantasies. Rhodes bare-breasted protest was silent yet, so loud. So loud that it brought tuition to a standstill and attracted police to come and arrest the victims of rape.

As a man and a womanist, believe me when I say, these men who rape women so viciously aren't men in a true sense of the word. They are barbarians, predators and sexual perverts who can't sexually satisfy a woman for a long haul; hence their hit-and-run tactics.

The protest had to be graphic to attract political attention and give a depiction of what women go through in the dark corners of the campus. It was necessary  to assert women beings monopoly over their bodies. Rhodes bare-breast protest is indicative of the need for 180 degree turn of status quo in favour of women. Wathinda abafazi, wathind' imbokodo. Uzakufa rapist ndini...

Memory of Solomon Mahlangu honoured

"My blood shall nourish the tree that will bear fruits of freedom. Tell my people I love them. They must continue to fight. Aluta continua," Solomon Mahlangu on the occasion of his hanging on 6 April 1979. Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was born in 1956 in Mamelodi, Pretoria and grew up in the Ndebele section of the township. His father left him in 1962 to be raised by his mother Martha; who was a domestic worker in Waterkloof. Kalushi used to sell fruits and sweets on local train to supplement his family's income. He had ambition to become a teacher when he grew up.

After Soweto student uprising on 16 June 1976, South Africa witnessed an unprecedented militancy from black township students from one region to the other. At the age of 20 in September 1976, Solomon was introduced to ANC branch and was later recruited into uMkhoto weSizwe underground network by Thomas Masuku. Solomon only progressed up to Std 8 at Mamelodi high. On the night that he disappeared, Solomon sneaked a note under his brother's pillow written "bhut' Lucas, bhuti Lucas, I have gone away. Don't look for me."

Solomon and few other comrades left the country and settled in Xai-Xai Mozambique for few months before Jacob Zuma facilitated their clandestine transit to Angola. Upon arrival in Angola they received rudimentary guerrilla warfare training for about 8 months. They were then dispatched to Swaziland where they received a line of march from General Siphiwe Nyanda.

In June 1977 Solomon Mahlangu, Mondy Motloung and George Mahlangu sneaked back into South Africa on a mission to blow up Tembisa police station. On 13 June they arrived in downtown Johannesburg. Out of curiosity, they decided to go to Soweto first to check out how the first anniversary of June 16 was coming along. They were spotted by a black police officer when boarding a taxi to Soweto.

He was inquisitive why young black men were carrying such heavy bags. Police officer grabbed a bag and a grenade fell out. Young combatants panicked and ran away. A shootout ensued with police and Solomon was shot in the ankle. Judging from Motloung's military precision, police realised they were up against trained guerrillas.

Solomon ran ahead of Motloung and took cover at John Orrs (now Stuttafords) warehouse in Goch street. Motloung barged in looking for his comrade and found to white males who wouldn't answer where Solomon was. Out of frustration, he shot them dead. Police arrived on the scene, Motloung wanted to shoot them too but, his Skorpion vz.61 rifle jammed. Police overpowered and beat him severely. Solomon came back looking for Motloung only to be accosted and beaten by police.

George Mahlangu managed to escape. On the way to John Vorster Square prison, all Motloung could say was "Solomon, Solomon, Solomon." A judge admitted that Solomon never fired a single shot but, because Motloung has suffered brain damage; he couldn't stand trial. The court applied Doctrine of common purpose and charged Solomon with two counts of murder and terrorism.

Solomon's trial started without the knowledge of his defence team which included Ismael Mohamed and Priscilla Jana. He pleaded not guilty but, was found guilty on 2 March 1978 and refused leave to appeal by Rand Supreme court and later by Appeal court in Bloemfontein. When the judge announced the guilty verdict, he raised his fist in the air and shouted "Amandla." Solomon was sent to the gallows on 6 April 1979 on the same day that Jan Van Riebeeck arrived in South Africa in 1652. His death was a celebration in honour of Van Riebeeck's memory.

Solomon was posthumously awarded the Order of Mendi for Bravery in Gold in 2005. In commemoration of 37th anniversary of his death, Wits university's Senate house was re-named Solomon Mahlangu house. There are cardinal lessons to be learnt from Solomon's excrutiating narrative.

Firstly, Solomon never left his comrade to the "wolves," he came back looking for him. He sacrificed his education to fight for liberation of black nation. Today's students should appreciate heroic endeavours Solomon made to ensure that their right to education became a reality. In the face of atrocious interrogation tactics, he never sold the struggle - he never placed his personal ambition above of the organisation.

 Solomon died for a course of freedom for a black fellow. It's up to the living to ensure that the freedom he fought for is never taken for granted. While university students burn and vandalise varsity property - they dare not forget that for Solomon; varsity remained a distant dream. Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was an epitome of loyal ANC cadreship......Aluta continua

Lesotho: A multi-troubled Kingdom

A tiny mountain Kingdom of Lesotho is a marvel to watch from a distance. The sight of Maluti mountains veneered in a thick layer of snow in Butha-Buthe has ingratiated Lesotho to many as Switzerland of Africa. The pinnacle of Lesotho Highlands water project Katse dam (Metsi a lihlaba) offers a glee of panoramic view to spectators. At Ha Sekekete, it's the melodious sound of accordions by Famo musicians that keeps revelers dancing all night long.

The sight of green fields along Letseng la Terae offers a glimmer of hope for better things to come. However, my graphic description of Lesotho wouldn't be complete unless I mention fair-skinned Basotho women flamboyantly dressed in Seshoeshoe and Molia Nye'oe.

On a flip side of the coin, Lesotho's political history is nothing to write home about. As back as 1970, a military coup in favour of Prime Minister Chief Leabua Jonathan impeded Ntsu Mokhehle's Basotho Congress Party (BCP) rise to power after winning election. In 1974 Mokhehle staged a counter-coup which Leabua foiled. The long serving Prime Minister ultimately succumbed to a military coup masterminded by General Metsing Lekhanya in 1986. Lekhanya went further to depose King Moshoeshoe II in 1990 forcing him into exile. The hunter became the hunted when Lekhanya was ousted from office in 1991 with Colonel Ramaema becoming head of military junta.

Fort Hare graduate Ntsu Mokhehle secured victory in 1993 democratic election and became Prime Minister with BCP (Mahatammoho) as the ruling party. In August 1994 King Letsie III made egregious indiscretion by acceding to demands mainly from BNP and a group of Royalists to dissolve constitutional government. International pressure mounted and elected government was subsequently reinstated.

After May election in 1998, acrid plumes of smoke darkened Maseru's skyline as the city erupted into chaos following allegations of vote rigging. SADC sanctioned Langa commission to investigate vote rigging allegations but, no empirical evidence was found to corroborate the allegations. Lesotho's political landscape was re-engineered in 2012 when a first coalition government was inaugurated with Tom Thabane's All Basotho Convention (ABC) leading the pack.

Former Lesotho Defence Force commander Brigadier Maaparankoe Mahao was assassinated in 2014 and the country plunged into further political turmoil. Prime Minister Tom Thabane prorogued  the 120-member parliament with the King's blessing amid fears of a military coup. Thabane and prominent political leaders Thesele Maseribane and Keketso Rantso fled to South Africa fearing for their lives. Lesotho politicians are better described by a popular Basotho saying "Kobo tsa Maseru lia tshoana, mmala o mong" loosely translated (Maseru blankets bear the same colour and all look the same).

SADC dispatched South African Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa to calm troubled waters in Lesotho. Ramaphosa only managed to facilitated a "negotiated coup" that saw Lesotho hold election de novo, two years into Thabane's administration. Snap election didn't produce an outright majority winner; as a result, Lesotho reverted into another coalition government of seven parties led by Prime Minister Phakalitha Mosisili.

 SADC Troika instituted a commission headed by Judge Mphaphi Phumaphi to investigate a sequence of events that led to Mahao's assassination. While the Maseru administration is yet to implement constitutional and security reforms as recommended by SADC, Mosisili wanted the commission's terms of reference modified and objected to the publishing of its findings. This prompted SADC to impose an ultimatum on the Mountain Kingdom. Mosisili is also reluctant to relieve Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli of his duties as recommended by SADC and US government. This is the same Kamoli who was dismissed for insubordination during Thabane's administration.

Lesotho is a ticking time-bomb on our door step. our troublesome neighbours from across the Caledon must realise that SADC cannot baby-sit them in perpetuity. An average Mosotho is most likely to witness a military coup than get a job. A nation once reputable for peace and congeniality is permanently on coup-alert. Conspiracy, shenanigans and coups d' ètat are the order of the day.It's about time political principals shoved their insatiable hunger for power aside and focus on the plight of 2.1 million Basotho population 23% of whom are living with HIV/Aids. Truth be told, I don't see this intransigent "7-pack" coalition government serving its full term. The more things change in Lesotho, the more they stay the same. Ka melamu e seng ka majoe, bana ba Thesele; maaparakobo a matle.

Nompendulo Mkhatshwa the perfect face for #FeesMustFall

Incoming SRC president from Wits University Nompendulo "Ulo" Mkhatshwa is the cover girl for December edition of Destiny magazine. Mkhatshwa rose to prominence during #FeesMustFall movement which initially started as #WitsFeesMustFall. There is nevertheless, a growing discontent amongst student population that Mkhatshwa shouldn't have been made a cover girl for Destiny magazine.

 The argument is that this would unfairly idolise her as the face of #FeesMustFall. Mkhatshwa's detractors claim she was not the sole leader of #FeesMustFall movement, that she shouldn't have worn her trade-mark ANC headscarf when she posed for Destiny magazine camera and that she has generally sold out on the students'movement.

Nompendulo Mkhatshwa was one of the four prominent leaders of #FeesMustFall movement who included Mcebo Dlamini, Shaeera Kalla and Fassiha Hassan. There is a myriad of reasons that made Mkhatshwa more conspicuous than her co-leaders and that's probably why she got the nod as Destiny magazine cover girl. 22 year-old Mkhatshwa is the incoming SRC president at Wits University and represents the future of student politics at Wits. She has always been glowing with her trade-mark ANC headscarf which she wore religiously throughout fees protests.

Though a research intern at ANC's headquarters, she didn't kowtow to her ANC masters when she led a protest march to hand over a memorandum. She remained resolute in her demands as she handed a memorandum to ANC Secretary General Gwede Mantashe. As a black female leader, she invoked nostalgic memories of struggle heroines like Lilian Ngoyi and Winnie Mandela. It also made business sense for Destiny to align its brand with Mkhatshwa after her pictures leading the march went viral.

Personal attacks on Mkhatshwa's persona are unfortunate and warrant no further engagement. She has always been open with her SASCO membership and allegiance to ANC from the onset and nobody had a problem with her preferred political path until she made it to Destiny's cover page. She's called a sell-out for branding herself as the face of #FeesMustFall movement. What her detractors fail to elucidate is that she didn't approach Destiny magazine but, the opposite occurred.

Mkhatshwa was meticulous in marshalling her brigade to Luthuli House without resoting to violence. Suffice it to say, Mkhatshwa is a lioness that resuscitated a feminine touch in the broad mass democratic revolution.

Mngcineni "Mambush" Noki popular as "The man in green blanket", was paraded as the face of Marikana massacre though he wasn't the only one who died on fateful August 16 2012. If people claim that Mkhatshwa is being branded as thee face of #FeesMustFall, I dare say she has earned her stripes. I'm also glad that she remained loyal to her true colours as she posed for Destiny camera in her signature ANC headscarf despite being asked to choose neutral colours.

Every movement at one stage or another is given a face as it gains momentum. Nelson Mandela was universally regarded as the face of 1964 Rivonia trial though he wasn't the only accused who stood trial. My one message for Mkhatshwa's detractors #JealousyMustFall.

Stuggle for fees not over yet

 Students from the University of Witwatersrand (Wits) embarked on #WitsFeesMustFall campaign demanding that the proposed 10.5 fees increment for 2016 academic year be suspended. What started as #WitsFessMustFall soon escalated to University of Cape Town (UCT), University of Stellenbosch (Matties) and the University of Free State (UFS) becoming a nationwide #FeesMustFall by all universities.

The bone of contention for Wits students was that they came from under-privileged backgrounds of single parenthood where parents hardly receive 6% salary increases from employers. University rectors and officials from department of Higher Education adopted a nonchalant approach to #FeesMustFall campaign added fuel to fire until things fell apart.

Only after students had vandalised property, clashed with police and invaded parliamentary precinct did officials wake up to the most rebellious post-apartheid student activism. One of the major propellants of #FeesMustFall was the 8th principle of Freedom Charter which proclaims "Doors of learning and culture shall be opened for all." The principle further elaborates " Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children; Higher education and technical training shall be opened to all by means of state allowances and scholarships awarded on the basis of merit. The colour bar in cultural life, in sport and in education shall be abolished."

As the only surviving custodian of Freedom Charter, ANC should have grabbed the opportunity to engage students on how this ideal would be realised. It should have also accentuated the strides made through TEFSA which later became NSFAS. The students' march to Luthuli House, Union Buildings and parliamentary precinct shouldn't be misconstrued as an attack against ANC.

In the face of unrelenting capitalist academia students had to seek recourse from the party they elected to lead government. Though disappointed, students were willing to grant President Jacob Zuma an audience as opposed to any other political leader. True to their struggle, students refused to be used as political pawns by forces of anarchy whose aim was to advance prima donna interests.

The 0% fees increment announced by Zuma on 23rd October is a victory to students on their well marshalled struggle. In my books however, 0% increment is a temporary reprieve - registration and tuition fees still remain exorbitant at South African universities. Most poor black students are still systematically excluded by high fees and plunge further into "black debt."

In 2014 Global Financial Integrity ( GFI) reported that South Africa loses R147 billion per annum due to illicit capital flight - this is the money that could have made free education possible. What 0% increment has not answered however is: will NSFAS inject more funds to enable students to service their debts with universities and what impact will 0% increment have on future salary increases of poor non-academic staff at universities?

University councils must account what informs their above-inflation fees hikes when they produce unemployable graduates en masse, who add further burden to the state. Government should streamline it's funding model to universities in tandem with production that adds value to the country's economy. A microscopic view must be taken into annual perks that go into pockets of university management teams.

Competition commission should also look for signs of possible collusion on fees-fixing by universities. Until all these measures are taken, the struggle for fees will continue. As Freedom Charter concludes "These freedoms we shall fight for, side by side, throughout our lives, until we have won our liberty." Government be warned that #FeesMustFall inferno shall not be extinguished by a few empty promises that lack political-will. Students realised that the term "Previously disadvantaged" is a misnomer, as a matter of fact - they are Permanently Disadvantaged. Female student leaders rose to the occasion, wore their doeks like struggle veterans Lilian Ngoyi and Winnie Mandela and took the fight to capitalist academia who expect poor black students to reconcile with lack of education in the name of social cohesion.