No traces of fascism in Malema's character

"South African political arena has gone through an explosion of volcanic proportions with the advent of a new unorthodox player called Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF)." This is how most political analysts described EFF led by Commander-In-Chief Julius Malema in 2013. Some went further to describe EFF as a game-changer extraordinare.

Throughout his political activism, Malema was described by peers and foes alike as the rabble-rouser. This is the character he consistently manifested during his time as Cosas and ANC Youth League President respectively.

In a bizzare turn of events, political analysts and journalists started labeling Malema as a fascist leader presiding over a political party that smacks of fascism. The labeling came soon after Malema had tabled a motion of land expropriation without compensation in parliament in January 2018. He went further to announce EFF's intention to table motion of no confidence against Nelson Mandela Bay mayor Athol Trollip.

This is the same Trollip who is chairperson of Democratic Alliance (DA) Federal Council which rejected EFF's land expropriation motion. The political stalemate between DA and EFF led to Julius Malema's re-branding as a "fascist" who thrives under monocracy.

In light of the above, I shall laconically re-trace etymological meaning and prominence of fascism and juxtapose it to Malema's characterisation as a fascist leader and determine if indeed the shoe fits him.

Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler

Interestingly, fascism is not an African concept. It's an ideology that emanates from Italy under Benito Mussolini who founded Partio Nazionale Fascista in 1921 and later perfected by Adolf Hitler in Nazi Germany. The basic tenets of fascism include inter alia, total control by government, conservative nationalism, suppression of democracy, reliance on war to attain global power and elimination of all opposition.

Needless to say Mussolini and Hitler are the world's most notorious fascits. Mussolini out-lawed labour strikes and eliminated all forms of opposition during his rule in Italy through a hit-squard called Black Shirts. On the other hand, the Fuhrer intensified censorship of the press and dissemination of information through Propaganda minister Josef Goebbels. He promulgated the German nation as Die Herrenvolk (Superior race) that ruled over inferior races.

Idi Amin and Robert Mugabe

By virtue of Malema's Africannes, those analysts who wouldn't want to be viewed as racists, found it prudent to compare the Seshego born rabble-rouser to two of Africa's notorious dictators Idi Amin and Robert Mugabe. In the course of their analysis, others went further to modify Malema's labeling as a street-wise "neo-fascist." Idi Amin was Ugandan dictator who usurped power through a military coup. After severance of diplomatic relations between Uganda and Britain in 1977, Amin  gave himself "CBE" (Conqueror of British Empire) title. The dictator further conferred Law PhD unto himself from Makerere university. Under Amin's reign of terror, more than 100 000 people were killed.

In their unrelenting crusade to re-brand leader of the red beret ground forces as anti-white and neo-fascist, political commentators caricatured EFF's Commander-In-Chief  as a young version of former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. This is the same Mugabe who entered into an unholy pact with former oppressors and signed 1979 Lancaster Agreement in which he committed never to fiddle with land ownership patterns for first ten years of Zimbabwean independence.

Mugabe ordered wholesale land grabs in 1997 in which white farmers were violently dispossessed of their land through the use of machetes. In 2005 he introduced Operation Murambatsvina in which 700 000 urban residents were violently displaced. Mugabe stood idle when his wife Grace interfered with internal politics of ZANU-PF rendering the party chaotic.


Incoherent comparisons

After meticulous perusal of comparisons above, I'm pleased to announce that the revered political analysts got their analytical wires crossed when it came to Malema's characterisation and labeling.In contrast to Mussolini, Malema can safely be classified as the champion of the working class given the role he played in the aftermath of 2012 Marikana massacre in which 34 mineworkers were killed by the police. The man affectionately known as Juju, intervened in many cases of abused labourers and has always advocated for the right to strike.

Unlike Hitler who ordered the Holocaust in Nazi Germany in which 6million Jews were murdered between 1941 and 1945 and Mugabe who ordered 1983 Gukurahundi in which 20 000 Matebele civilians were massacred, EFF's Commander-In-Chief has never called for anyone to be killed. Contrary to Mugabe's modus operandi, Malema has called for land expropriation through a constitutional provision which includes public hearings. He has never allowed his wife Mantwa to meddle into the party's affairs.

At variance with Amin, Malema obtained an undergraduate degree from Unisa and is currently studying towards his Masters at Wits University. Malema didn't ascend to power by force - he was democratically elected the party's leader and bestowed the title Commander-In-Chief by EFF membership.

Who is Julius Malema?

Julius Malema is a political interlocutor South Africa never anticipated. He is one who thrives on speaking truth to power. He's a charismatic leader whose voice finds resonance in the hearts of those who linger in the periphery of mainstream economy.

He is a constitutionalist whose party took former President Jacob Zuma to highest court in the land compelling him to pay back R7.8m he unduly benefited from taxpayers subsequent to security upgrades at his Nkandla homestead. Juju subscribes to prescripts of constitutional accountability, hence EFF went to court to enforce powers of Public Protector's office as a Chapter 9 institution.

Malema's EFF Student Command boasts 13 Presidents in higher education institutions who were democratically elected by would-be academics. While Mugabe took 17 years before implementing land reforms in Zimbabwe, Malema displayed strength of character by tabling motion of land expropriation without compensation in February 2018 and persuading majority of parties to support his motion through superior logic. He was rather inspired by pragmatism, as opposed to populism when he pushed for realization of EFF's first cardinal pillar which centres around land expropriation. EFF leader is not Mugabe's young version - he won't kowtow to dictates of former oppressor on how and when should the land be reclaimed.

In 2015 Commander-In-Chief led red beret forces to deliver a memorandum to Johannesburg Stock Exchange in protest against white monopoly capital. Malema never instigated for genocide of white JSE CEOs. Juju's call for Trollip to be removed from mayorship did not harbour racist undertones. In 2016 Malema encouraged EFF councillors to vote for a white DA mayor Michael Holenstein in Mogale City. Malema is not a black supremacist, neither is he a neo-fascist. He doesn't go around brandishing Nazi Swastika like some white South African farmers. Malema is all for media freedom - he's always available for media interviews.

Contrary to Mussolini, Hitler and Amin, Commander-In-Chief believes in opposition politics. His party is an official opposition in Limpopo and North-west provinces. If he was a power-preneur as portrayed by commentators, he could have been an Executive Mayor either in Tshwane or Johannesburg. He cannot be characterised as a racist or dictator. He is subject to consensus decision making in Braamfontein, therefore an assertion that a European system like fascism could be perfected by someone from Seshego Zone:1, doesn't fall within the realm of logical probabilities.

Malema is a sui generis political leader in whose veins chutzpah flows with relative ease. He is one who doesn't conform to vanilla-flavoured South African politics. In conclusion, it gives me great pleasure to report that Juju doesn't possess attributes that shape a dictator or a fascist leader. Let it be documented that no discernible traces of fascism could be found in Malema's  political character. Juju is redress of historical land ownership patterns personified.

Liberation history distorted to favour tame ANC

It is often said that history is a subjective matter
that is viewed through the lens of the author. This is particularly true about how history has been written to caricature African National Congress (ANC) as a militant liberation movement which forced apartheid government into a corner and heralded the liberation of the oppressed masses signed and sealed.

In this opinion piece, I will not attempt to re-write history, but chronicle some epoch-making events undertaken by Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), its military wing Poqo (Apla) and gallant leaders like Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, Jafta Masemola, and Zephania Mothopeng.

History as we know it has sought to trivialise the role played by PAC in South African liberation struggle and relegate Poqo's guerrilla warfare to echelons of obscurity. It's a known fact that PAC broke away from ANC in 1959 after accusing the latter of selling out on the land question subsequent to the adoption of Freedom Charter in 1955.

The Africanist bloc within ANC ranks which included Robert Sobukwe,Peter Molotsi,Zephania Mothopeng and Elliot Mfaxa were at variance with Freedom Charter's preamble which declared "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white." PAC entered into the anti-apartheid activism with a Pan Africanist ideology propelled by radical political pragmatism as opposed to ANC's champagne activism.

At the epicentre of the revolution in 1960, ANC President Chief Albert Luthuli was awarded Nobel Peace Prize for his non-violent stance against white supremacy. Paradoxically, apartheid parliament enacted a special " Sobukwe Clause" in 1963 to prolong PAC President's solitary incarceration on Robben Island. Undoubtedly, Luthuli had established himself as an innocuous activist against apartheid while the regime considered Sobukwe as persona non grata.

On March 21 1960, hardly a year after its establishment PAC conducted anti-pass protests around the country which gained momentum in Sharpeville where 69 protestors were brutally killed by the police. On that fateful day, Robert Sobukwe had marched from his home in Mofolo to Orlando police station without carrying a pass-book and dared the police to arrest him.

Not to be out-shined, Nelson Mandela burnt his pass-book seven days later in the comfort of his house and invited journalists to capture the moment. At its December conference in 1946, ANC had resolved to embark on a rigorous anti-pass campaign and call for abolition of pass laws. On the other hand, hardly a year into existence PAC launched a watershed anti-pass campaign in March 1960.

Sobukwe had invited ANC to join the march but, Luthuli declined the invitation saying the march was ill-prepared and would therefore fail. By implication, ANC was still not ready to implement a resolution it had adopted 14 years earlier.

After two years of existence, PAC established a military wing called Poqo, later Azanian People's Liberation Army (Apla) in September 1961. ANC only followed with formation of Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) three months after Poqo's formation. It's worth noting that ANC only established a military wing 49 years into existence.

While MK was still a fledgelling idea, Poqo had already executed few attacks against apartheid establishments including Paarl police station. Between 1962-1968 there were more Poqo combatants sent to the gallows than MK cadres.

Contrary to popular belief, PAC members Jafta Masemola, Phillemon Tefu, John Nkosi and Ike Mthimunye were the first political prisoners sentenced to life on Robben Island in 1962, not ANC's Rivonia Trialists who were sentenced in 1964. Jafta Kgalabi Masemola was the longest serving prisoner on Robben Island, not Nelson Mandela as history purports.

Another historical omission is the fact that Mothopeng was elected PAC President by Central Committee in Tanzania in 1986 while serving a treason sentence on Robben Island. This is the risk ANC couldn't take with Mandela while still serving prison sentence. What history does not highlight is that it was PAC which had the youngest political prisoner on Robben Island.

PAC's student organisation (Pasma) member Dikgang Moseneke was sentenced to 15 years on the island when he was a 15 year-old learner doing Std8. Towards late 80s and early 90s, Apla ground forces under stewardship of Victor Gqweta nom de guerre Sabelo Phama carried more lethal attacks against apartheid establishments than their Umkhonto Wesizwe counterparts.

Apla still has a plethora of its combatants languishing in prison while MK cadres are cabinet ministers and tenderpreneurs. History doesn't tell us that when Nelson Mandela had already committed to negotiating with Nationalist Party President FW De Klerk, PAC President Zephania Mothopeng refused to recognise De Klerk's administration as legitimate. In the run-up to 1994 deemocratic election PAC's  campaign message was " Land first, All shall follow" while ANC  said "Better life for all."

One day when history is captured accurately, we shall know that Nelson Mandela was not the longest serving political prisoner, but it was PAC's Kenny Motsamai followed by Jafta Masemola.
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