Wednesday 27 April 2016

"Enough is enough" no longer enough

An often curvaceous work of nature, titivated with boobs that resonate with her splendid morphology, sweet voiced with caring qualities of unimaginable proportions.

 She is my mother, our sister, their daughter and his wife. She's a woman. She's a conservationist who keeps human extinction at bay without fail. Her precious body is endowed with special organs to ensure sterile delivery of life. She's an anointed carrier of human life to earth.

 I hold a woman's body in high esteem - it gave birth to me and introduced me to mother earth. I don't objectify a woman's body as an instrument for psychopathic experimentation. I subscribe neither to chauvinism nor patriarchy. I speak against misogyny.

 I've always resisted temptation to call myself a feminist. In essence, a feminist is one who advocates for egalitarian status and recognition of female creatures, human or otherwise. I'm a womanist and advocate for physical protection, equality, respect and love for women - not because they're the weaker sex but, by virtue of being human. Excuse my language but, how the hell did we elevate rape to a status of "culture"? Whose culture is it anyway?

As a practising Christian, the Bible tells me that when God created a man, he consulted with the Holy Trinity. God created a woman in the silence of the earth without seeking second or third opinion from any mortal being. A woman's body demanded meticulous and uninterrupted handling. The book of Genesis doesn't caricature a woman as an embodiment of sin. I mean...why would God assign the ultimate sinner to be the bearer of his own image?

The reason for my emotional harangue is the spate of sexual attacks on women in general, and students from University of Cape Town and Rhodes University in particular. Women like Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph and Rahima Moosa fought side by side with men to bring about freedom in South Africa. Women didn't join the struggle just because they were irked by the idea of carrying passes.

They fought for freedom to bask in the beauty of their womanhood. Women were fighting for freedom to be in conversation with their cosmetic-beings without men lurking behind to attack them. Young women have been raped and sexually assaulted on campuses by would-be academics at UCT and Rhodes.

To most South African women, freedom of movement is only academic. Their dress-code and movement is at the mercy of testosterone-driven barbarians. Whether covered or not, a woman's body is not an open buffet for any Jimmy to feast on. A woman's body is not like a car taken for a test drive before final purchase. It is not a close-corporation entity or a communal property where every Dick, Tom and Harry holds a proxy.

A drunk woman is not some "To whom it may concern" kind of letter. Women beings are the children of the universe, they have the right to be here; and whether or not it is clear to the rapists - no doubt their womanhood is unfolding as it should.

When I saw Rhodes students protesting bare-breasted against sexual violence on campus, then I knew fury had surpassed all conventional reasoning capacity. Reasoning with university management was no longer an option. It signalled the boiling degree of women's exasperation. Reality finally hit home that waving placards written "enough is enough" is no longer enough. A woman being's emphatic "NO" is not open for further deliberations.

Rhodes university's response to women's cry has been lackadaisical and gave room for sexual perverts to continue with their salacious fantasies. Rhodes bare-breasted protest was silent yet, so loud. So loud that it brought tuition to a standstill and attracted police to come and arrest the victims of rape.

As a man and a womanist, believe me when I say, these men who rape women so viciously aren't men in a true sense of the word. They are barbarians, predators and sexual perverts who can't sexually satisfy a woman for a long haul; hence their hit-and-run tactics.

The protest had to be graphic to attract political attention and give a depiction of what women go through in the dark corners of the campus. It was necessary  to assert women beings monopoly over their bodies. Rhodes bare-breast protest is indicative of the need for 180 degree turn of status quo in favour of women. Wathinda abafazi, wathind' imbokodo. Uzakufa rapist ndini...

Wednesday 13 April 2016

Memory of Solomon Mahlangu honoured


"My blood shall nourish the tree that will bear fruits of freedom. Tell my people I love them. They must continue to fight. Aluta continua," Solomon Mahlangu on the occasion of his hanging on 6 April 1979. Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was born in 1956 in Mamelodi, Pretoria and grew up in the Ndebele section of the township. His father left him in 1962 to be raised by his mother Martha; who was a domestic worker in Waterkloof. Kalushi used to sell fruits and sweets on local train to supplement his family's income. He had ambition to become a teacher when he grew up.

After Soweto student uprising on 16 June 1976, South Africa witnessed an unprecedented militancy from black township students from one region to the other. At the age of 20 in September 1976, Solomon was introduced to ANC branch and was later recruited into uMkhoto weSizwe underground network by Thomas Masuku. Solomon only progressed up to Std 8 at Mamelodi high. On the night that he disappeared, Solomon sneaked a note under his brother's pillow written "bhut' Lucas, bhuti Lucas, I have gone away. Don't look for me."

Solomon and few other comrades left the country and settled in Xai-Xai Mozambique for few months before Jacob Zuma facilitated their clandestine transit to Angola. Upon arrival in Angola they received rudimentary guerrilla warfare training for about 8 months. They were then dispatched to Swaziland where they received a line of march from General Siphiwe Nyanda.

In June 1977 Solomon Mahlangu, Mondy Motloung and George Mahlangu sneaked back into South Africa on a mission to blow up Tembisa police station. On 13 June they arrived in downtown Johannesburg. Out of curiosity, they decided to go to Soweto first to check out how the first anniversary of June 16 was coming along. They were spotted by a black police officer when boarding a taxi to Soweto.

He was inquisitive why young black men were carrying such heavy bags. Police officer grabbed a bag and a grenade fell out. Young combatants panicked and ran away. A shootout ensued with police and Solomon was shot in the ankle. Judging from Motloung's military precision, police realised they were up against trained guerrillas.

Solomon ran ahead of Motloung and took cover at John Orrs (now Stuttafords) warehouse in Goch street. Motloung barged in looking for his comrade and found to white males who wouldn't answer where Solomon was. Out of frustration, he shot them dead. Police arrived on the scene, Motloung wanted to shoot them too but, his Skorpion vz.61 rifle jammed. Police overpowered and beat him severely. Solomon came back looking for Motloung only to be accosted and beaten by police.

George Mahlangu managed to escape. On the way to John Vorster Square prison, all Motloung could say was "Solomon, Solomon, Solomon." A judge admitted that Solomon never fired a single shot but, because Motloung has suffered brain damage; he couldn't stand trial. The court applied Doctrine of common purpose and charged Solomon with two counts of murder and terrorism.

Solomon's trial started without the knowledge of his defence team which included Ismael Mohamed and Priscilla Jana. He pleaded not guilty but, was found guilty on 2 March 1978 and refused leave to appeal by Rand Supreme court and later by Appeal court in Bloemfontein. When the judge announced the guilty verdict, he raised his fist in the air and shouted "Amandla." Solomon was sent to the gallows on 6 April 1979 on the same day that Jan Van Riebeeck arrived in South Africa in 1652. His death was a celebration in honour of Van Riebeeck's memory.

Solomon was posthumously awarded the Order of Mendi for Bravery in Gold in 2005. In commemoration of 37th anniversary of his death, Wits university's Senate house was re-named Solomon Mahlangu house. There are cardinal lessons to be learnt from Solomon's excrutiating narrative.

Firstly, Solomon never left his comrade to the "wolves," he came back looking for him. He sacrificed his education to fight for liberation of black nation. Today's students should appreciate heroic endeavours Solomon made to ensure that their right to education became a reality. In the face of atrocious interrogation tactics, he never sold the struggle - he never placed his personal ambition above of the organisation.

 Solomon died for a course of freedom for a black fellow. It's up to the living to ensure that the freedom he fought for is never taken for granted. While university students burn and vandalise varsity property - they dare not forget that for Solomon; varsity remained a distant dream. Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu was an epitome of loyal ANC cadreship......Aluta continua

Thursday 11 February 2016

Lesotho: A multi-troubled Kingdom


A tiny mountain Kingdom of Lesotho is a marvel to watch from a distance. The sight of Maluti mountains veneered in a thick layer of snow in Butha-Buthe has ingratiated Lesotho to many as Switzerland of Africa. The pinnacle of Lesotho Highlands water project Katse dam (Metsi a lihlaba) offers a glee of panoramic view to spectators. At Ha Sekekete, it's the melodious sound of accordions by Famo musicians that keeps revelers dancing all night long.

The sight of green fields along Letseng la Terae offers a glimmer of hope for better things to come. However, my graphic description of Lesotho wouldn't be complete unless I mention fair-skinned Basotho women flamboyantly dressed in Seshoeshoe and Molia Nye'oe.

On a flip side of the coin, Lesotho's political history is nothing to write home about. As back as 1970, a military coup in favour of Prime Minister Chief Leabua Jonathan impeded Ntsu Mokhehle's Basotho Congress Party (BCP) rise to power after winning election. In 1974 Mokhehle staged a counter-coup which Leabua foiled. The long serving Prime Minister ultimately succumbed to a military coup masterminded by General Metsing Lekhanya in 1986. Lekhanya went further to depose King Moshoeshoe II in 1990 forcing him into exile. The hunter became the hunted when Lekhanya was ousted from office in 1991 with Colonel Ramaema becoming head of military junta.

Fort Hare graduate Ntsu Mokhehle secured victory in 1993 democratic election and became Prime Minister with BCP (Mahatammoho) as the ruling party. In August 1994 King Letsie III made egregious indiscretion by acceding to demands mainly from BNP and a group of Royalists to dissolve constitutional government. International pressure mounted and elected government was subsequently reinstated.

After May election in 1998, acrid plumes of smoke darkened Maseru's skyline as the city erupted into chaos following allegations of vote rigging. SADC sanctioned Langa commission to investigate vote rigging allegations but, no empirical evidence was found to corroborate the allegations. Lesotho's political landscape was re-engineered in 2012 when a first coalition government was inaugurated with Tom Thabane's All Basotho Convention (ABC) leading the pack.

Former Lesotho Defence Force commander Brigadier Maaparankoe Mahao was assassinated in 2014 and the country plunged into further political turmoil. Prime Minister Tom Thabane prorogued  the 120-member parliament with the King's blessing amid fears of a military coup. Thabane and prominent political leaders Thesele Maseribane and Keketso Rantso fled to South Africa fearing for their lives. Lesotho politicians are better described by a popular Basotho saying "Kobo tsa Maseru lia tshoana, mmala o mong" loosely translated (Maseru blankets bear the same colour and all look the same).

SADC dispatched South African Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa to calm troubled waters in Lesotho. Ramaphosa only managed to facilitated a "negotiated coup" that saw Lesotho hold election de novo, two years into Thabane's administration. Snap election didn't produce an outright majority winner; as a result, Lesotho reverted into another coalition government of seven parties led by Prime Minister Phakalitha Mosisili.

 SADC Troika instituted a commission headed by Judge Mphaphi Phumaphi to investigate a sequence of events that led to Mahao's assassination. While the Maseru administration is yet to implement constitutional and security reforms as recommended by SADC, Mosisili wanted the commission's terms of reference modified and objected to the publishing of its findings. This prompted SADC to impose an ultimatum on the Mountain Kingdom. Mosisili is also reluctant to relieve Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli of his duties as recommended by SADC and US government. This is the same Kamoli who was dismissed for insubordination during Thabane's administration.

Lesotho is a ticking time-bomb on our door step. our troublesome neighbours from across the Caledon must realise that SADC cannot baby-sit them in perpetuity. An average Mosotho is most likely to witness a military coup than get a job. A nation once reputable for peace and congeniality is permanently on coup-alert. Conspiracy, shenanigans and coups d' ètat are the order of the day.It's about time political principals shoved their insatiable hunger for power aside and focus on the plight of 2.1 million Basotho population 23% of whom are living with HIV/Aids. Truth be told, I don't see this intransigent "7-pack" coalition government serving its full term. The more things change in Lesotho, the more they stay the same. Ka melamu e seng ka majoe, bana ba Thesele; maaparakobo a matle.